An Ongoing Quirk Amongst Jews and Australian Politics

July 12, 2019
PHOTO: taken at a peace rally for Israel in Brisbane with Jewish and Christian Zionists

Mazal tov to Australian Prime Minister Scott Morrison who pulled off the completely unexpected and will lead a majority government!

Noteworthy when it comes to Australian foreign policy vis a vis Israel, is that it means that we can expect continuity of Australia’s increased pro-Israel voting pattern at the United Nations and we will not see as Labor threatened, a reversal of Australia’s recognition of Jerusalem, albeit West Jerusalem, as Israel’s capital. It also means the Labor’s policy of unilateral recognition of Palestine, recommended to but non-binding on its parliamentary body, will not come into being in the near future.

One of the ongoing quirks of Jews and Australian politics is that Melbourne Jewry largely live in a safe Labor seat whilst Sydney Jews are concentrated in a once again safe Liberal seat.

As a large national survey of over 8,000 Australian Jews in 2017 showed, the Jewish community in both cities regard themselves overwhelmingly as ‘Zionist’ and what almost defies explanation is that young Jews between the ages of 18 to 29 defined themselves as ‘Zionist’ in greater percentages than all older age groups.

This goes against trends in most if not all diaspora communities, not the least important of which is the USA.

Since the establishment of the State of Israel and in the absence of a constitution, the Israeli Declaration of Independence (DOI) of the 14th of May 1948 has become THE single document that underpins Zionism.

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There is much discussion about what exactly a ‘Jewish State’ means, but not whether Israel is a Jewish State

In essence the practical part of the declaration comes in 3 parts.

It “declares the establishment of a Jewish State in Eretz Yisrael to be known as the State of Israel.”

This very clearly and unambiguously says that the State of Israel is to be a Jewish State.

Then it goes on to say that “the State of Israel will be open for Jewish immigration and for the Ingathering of the Exiles”.

Also an unambiguous statement.

And then and only then the DOI says how the Jewish State will operate:

“it will foster the development of the country for the benefit of all its inhabitants; it will be based on freedom, justice and peace as envisaged by the prophets of Israel; it will ensure complete equality of social and political rights to all its inhabitants irrespective of religion, race or sex; it will guarantee freedom of religion, conscience, language, education and culture; it will safeguard the Holy Places of all religions; and it will be faithful to the principles of the Charter of the United Nations.”

These three elements of the DOI when combined together present no dilemma for traditional Zionists.

The concept of a Jewish State with equal rights for all her citizens is moral, logical and without internal contradiction.

There is much discussion about what exactly a ‘Jewish State’ means, but not whether Israel is a Jewish State—certainly not amongst the vast majority of Israelis and self-identifying Zionists living in the diaspora.

Of late however a small element of Australian Jewry and especially larger percentages of American Jewry, are describing these passages from the DOI as contradictory.

When nationalism is derided and universalistic views are superimposed on the State of Israel, Jewish self-determination seems to these people to be something less than ideal, especially if it is misunderstood by them to come at the expense of others.

This conceptual tension was increased by the passage of the Jewish Nation State Bill by the Netanyahu government in 2018.

Within Israel the debate about this Bill was essentially about the following—whether or not it was redundant, why it failed to include a statement about equal rights for all and particularly why it omitted recognition of those fiercely committed to the Jewish State, such as the Druze community?

The equal rights debate centred on whether already having been included in the 1948 DOI and within an earlier Bill passed in 1992, it was or was not necessary to include it again.

To remind ourselves this 1992 bill was called ‘Basic Law—Human Dignity and Liberty’.

In clause 1A it states:

“The purpose of this Basic Law is to protect human dignity and liberty, in order to establish in a Basic Law the values of the State of Israel as a Jewish and Democratic State”.

Whilst there was valid debate about whether the equality statement needed to be included in 2018 or not, what was again not a point of contention in Israel, was that if a Nation State Bill was to be presented, it say clearly that Israel is and can only be the Nation State of one people —the Jewish people.

In essence that means that only the Jewish people will express their national—not individual—but national aspirations, within the State of Israel.

It is so non-controversial in Israel that people across the spectrum including of course self-described secular leftists, not only believe this concept to be moral and legitimate, but clearly state and understand it to be a basic underpinning of Zionism.

In 2018 Tzippi Livni, no right winger, said;

“Israel is the nation-state of the Jewish people. At the same time, equality is a Jewish and democratic value and being a Jewish state with equal rights to all the citizens means that the Israeli Arabs have equal rights as citizens, although their national aspirations will not be fulfilled in Israel”

Where the drift occurs, when it does, between Israeli leftists and diaspora leftists it is precisely over this national concept.

This is exacerbated by a misreading of Israel’s democratic system.

Just as Australia’s system of democracy has its own peculiarities, Israel’s has too.

With only a one house Knesset, there is a different and more complicated relationship with the High Court which acts as a judicial body, but also in some ways as a house of review for parliamentary legislation.

No, Israel’s democracy is not in danger nor are the moral underpinnings of the State—one just needs context and the right lens.

Our task whilst discussing these issues, is to have those outside of Israel understand as Israelis do, just what makes Israel unique and why the moral clarity of the DOI continues to shine through.

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Ron Weiser

Dr Ron Weiser AM is a Life Member of the ZFA Executive, Past President of the ZFA and Hon Life Pres of the Zionist Council of NSW.

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